[Note: I generally cover events as a neutral observer. When it comes to the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, I am a partisan. There is only one legitimate position: Contrary to President Donald J. Trump’s belief, “Russia is a terrorist state.” This write up unabashedly reflects my bias]

Before the Day’s Scheduled Events Began. On Sunday, I was not on duty until 5:00 PM, so I began the day with a bountiful breakfast at the Capital Hilton. On this trip, breakfast became the most important meal of the day because it often was the only meal of the day. I then put ‘pen to paper’ for the remainder of the morning, summarizing what I had heard and witnessed over the last several days.

The temperatures had climbed into the 40s by noon, so I headed to The National Building Museum, which is near Judiciary Square. The main reason for visiting this museum is the building. Designed by Montgomery C. Meigs, the structure was completed in 1887, first housing the United States Pension Bureau.

Designated a National Historic Landmark in 1987, the red-bricked building exemplifies Renaissance Revival architecture on a grand scale. The most notable feature is the large interior columns bisecting the massive atrium.

The museum’s other attraction was an exhibit entitled Capital Brutalism, which highlights seven examples of Brutalist architecture in the nation’s capital, including the Metro, designed by Harry Weese; the J. Edgar Hoover Building, orchestrated by Charles F. Murphy and Associates; and the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, as envisioned by Gordon Bunshaft, a Pritzker Prize-winning architect and longtime partner at Skidmore, Owings & Merrill.

Given that all things are Trump these days, my visit to the Brutalism exhibit was perfectly timed. During his first week in office, President Donald J. Trump issued a memorandum entitled Promoting Beautiful Federal Civic Architecture. It called for a return to the “classical architectural heritage,” as exemplified by the U.S. Capitol, the U.S. Supreme Court, the National Archives, and the Lincoln Memorial.

Every American should be able to agree on one thing: The last person who should be setting aesthetic standards is Donald J. Trump, who probably has never set foot in a museum, let along attended a cultural event other than a Kid Rock concert. Were his edict honored, the capital landscape quickly would become mundane. It is the juxtaposition of disparate architectural styles that makes Washington a visual feast.

[Note to The National Building Museum Administrators] The museum is an architectural museum. Please respect the historic architecture. Take down all the black iron lamps used for weddings and banquets, remove the desks and ground floor displays, and eliminate the cheesy plants: all flotsam that disrespects the building’s otherwise clean architectural lines and geometry.

[Click on an Image to Enlarge It. The Images Are Not Necessarily in Exact Chronological Order]

The Reception at Ukraine House. I was invited to a reception at Ukraine House, located in the Kalorama Triangle Historic District, which is a hilly residential neighborhood overflowing with large, mostly brick homes and diplomatic missions. After a quick stop back at my hotel, I walked north on Connecticut Avenue, passed through DuPont Circle, and finally turned west onto Kalorama Road, walking an additional three or four blocks.

Not knowing anyone at the reception, I entered the house with some trepidation. One thing is for sure: The Ukrainians need to up their game in the food department. I had hoped that there might be some sort of buffet, but instead found myself eyeing a sparsely-populated table containing two trays filled with nickel-sized canapés—hardly dinner, even after considering the platter filled with slices of cheesecake and a Ukrainian-style apple strudel (nicely seasoned with cinnamon).

Given my prior encounters with people from Chicago’s Ukrainian Community, I was not surprised that people were welcoming. What did surprise me, however, was the number of people—I presume doctors, lawyers, and other professionals—who have journeyed to Ukraine to lend assistance. One person I encountered advises the Ukrainian government on public relations matters. Another was not entirely clear, but I believe he was a doctor who has provided medical services in Ukraine. Someone else recounted how he had helped resettle a Ukrainian family in the United States. When the war began, his wife moved back to Ukraine.

Several people expressed concern about the Trump Administration’s embrace of Putin. No surprise there.

While war was the impetus for this gathering, it nevertheless was a typical cocktail party—Who are you? What’s your connection to the host? Where do you live? What do you think about the events that have brought us together?

During my one-hour stay, I asked people how they were getting to the Russian Embassy for the candlelight vigil at 7:00 PM. No one offered me a ride, so after checking Google Maps, I left at 6:10 PM for the 40-minute walk to Wisconsin Avenue, passing the Naval Observatory midway on my journey. The Observatory is Vice President J.D. Vance’s official residence.

The Candlelight Vigil. I was looking forward to the candlelight vigil outside the Russian Embassy because it would prove be highly theatrical, which is why I was disappointed by the turnout—only 25 to 30 people. Most of those standing with signs and flameless candles had not started the evening at Ukraine House. The reception’s organizers should have hired a bus to transport the 100+ people at the reception to the Russian Embassy.

To a certain extent the low attendance didn’t matter. I saw no television news cameras or print press outside the Russian Embassy. Moreover, the embassy was largely deserted. No lights were burning inside. Surprisingly, I saw no security guards pacing back and forth behind the massive gates, which meant I did not see the Russian equivalent of AK-47s.  Video cameras, however, were monitoring the grounds and the adjacent sidewalk. Alas, a second photograph of me has been added to the Russian Federal Security Services facial-recognition database, although I am not concerned about being among the millions whose faces have been catalogued.

Others have every reason to be concerned.  Some demonstrators held signs proclaiming that they were Russians who support Ukraine. I hope their U.S. visas are in good order.

Amplifying the wariness that comes with being in proximity to anything Russian, I did wonder whether there was some sort of gun-like contraception emitting sound waves in my direction. Later in the evening, would I experience the Havana Syndrome’s debilitating effects, as first reported by members of the diplomatic corps stationed in Havana? Diplomats have since reported similar incidents in China, India, and Vietnam, as well in the Washington, D.C. area—in one case by someone who was standing on The Ellipse, which is adjacent to the south end of the White House.

I mentioned the possibility that we were all being zapped to one of those standing vigil for Ukraine. She hadn’t thought about it, but she agreed: it was not out of the question. She particularly liked my pronunciation of “Havana”—so much more sophisticated than her pronunciation. That’s a first for me. I am known for mangling foreign languages, as well as my native one.

When I arrived, two police cars were parked just north of the embassy, and  two police officers were standing just outside the driveway gate. One car was identified as belonging to the U.S. Secret Service, while I believe the other was identified as just a D.C. squad car. The minimal level of security initially took me by surprise. But after scanning those assembled on the sidewalk, I knew the likelihood of violence was minimal given the crowd’s size and demeanor. Moreover, I doubt any Russian émigrés who were in the crowd wanted to re-enter what is legally recognized as Russian territory.

Across from the embassy, two or three people had set up a card table. One man sat at a chair, with an iPad connected to two projectors. We would soon experience a Jenny Holzer-inspired moment—although the operator had never heard of Holzer, who recently had a career retrospective at New York’s Guggenheim Museum.

When the operator scrawled words onto the screen and called up pre-programmed graphics, they then were projected onto the white cement walls of the Russian embassy’s somewhat Brutalist facade. Trump may need to rethink his dislike of Brutalism—a dislike that makes no sense because the style is partially rooted in Italian Fascist architecture favored by Benito Mussolini—a style that joins modern rationalism with ancient Roman sensibilities—symmetry, simplicity and oversized scale.

I asked the projector’s operator what some of the words and symbols meant. Turns out, one Ukrainian phrase roughly translates to “Dickhead,” which is a crowd favorite.

The demonstrators had planned to stay until at least 10:00 PM, or so I was told by one of them. By 8:00 PM, the group began to disperse. As I walked to the bus stop, a handful of diehards remained, but I suspect that they soon departed—any energy was gone.

I hopped on the 66 bus, hoping I would find a restaurant open on a Sunday night near my hotel. I arrived at P.J. Clarke’s just before the kitchen closed. Tonight, a burger and fries for dinner, and then to bed.

Monday Morning at the Hudson Institute. After another large breakfast at the Capital Hilton, I headed to the modern glass building housing the Hudson Institute, which is just across Pennsylvania Avenue from what was once the Trump International Hotel in the Old Post Office. For the next two hours, 100 supporters of Ukraine received a pep talk and a list of talking points before heading to Congress for two days of lobbying—the preferred term being “advocacy.” Most importantly, the hosts served up excellent baked goods, which the group devoured.

Following introductory remarks by Michael Sawkiw, Jr., the President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (“UCCA”), Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States, Oksana Markova, and former Republican Senator Rob Portman discussed the issues surrounding the War in Ukraine. For some inexplicable reason, Sawkiw took the session off-the-record. I will respect that request, but I heard nothing that was in the least bit contentious or controversial. Moreover, the back and forth between the two panelists focused largely on facts, which the two panelists hoped would serve as today’s talking points when the advocates from around the United States met with senators and members of the House.

I might add: At a time when everyone has a voice recorder in his or her pocket, nobody should assume anything is ‘off-the-record.’ The old adage is more applicable than ever, “If you aren’t prepared to read something you say on the front-page of the New York Times, don’t say it in public, particularly to a group of 100 people.”

Much to my liking, Sawkiw told us to take as many photographs as we wanted. I didn’t argue with that suggestion.

Up on Capital Hill.  During the remainder of today and then again tomorrow, the advocates for Ukraine stormed Capitol Hill, making the case for Ukraine.  The UCCA divided us into groups by region. I was assigned to the Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, South Dakota, and Wisconsin group. 

Some Context.  I recall the days when anyone could simply walk into the Capitol and the adjacent Senate and House office buildings.  Thirty-some years ago, I ate Navy bean soup in the Senate cafeteria; took a ride on the subway between the House and the Senate; and walked unimpeded around the Capitol, at one point seeing a plaque outside of the office that Senator John F. Kennedy occupied before being elected president. 

Those days are long gone thanks to Russell Eugene Weston, Jr., an armed man who killed two Capitol Police officers on July 24, 1998 at a security checkpoint; the incident that led to the creation of the Visitor’s Center, which does not welcome citizens, but instead, severely restricts their access to the Capitol.  For most, access is limited to a highly regimented one-hour tour unless they can convince one of their representatives to grant them a private tour.

The January 6th insurrection certainly didn’t improve the vibe.  While I was with my assigned advocacy group, there were two unfortunate incidents.  In one case, while waiting for a second security clearance into the Capitol, two members of our group mistakenly walked toward the internal subway that transports people between the Capitol and the offices two blocks away.  The Capitol Police officer over-reacted to the point that I thought she was going to draw her gun.  The two people involved had their backs to her, so they didn’t even realize she was yelling at them.  While I sympathize with the Capitol police—they have an important and a tough job where mistakes could easily lead to tragedy—the two people involved in this incident clearly were simply disoriented.  Moreover, neither visually profiled as a terrorist. 

There was a similar incident as we exited the Capitol. Two people didn’t realize they were headed toward a “Members Only Entrance” even with me yelling to them.  The officer who intervened again appeared ready to draw his weapon, but thankfully limited his response to angry and threatening words.

For those reasons, I chose not to photograph French President Emmanuel Macron’s large motorcade as it stood waiting for him to return from his meeting with ten Congressional leaders.  Even though the limousine was decked out with French flags, I decided capturing a photograph wasn’t worth getting shot.

On Tuesday, our group met with Senator Richard Durbin in his Capitol office.  Each member of the group had to register with security before special access badges were issued. All my camera equipped was swabbed for explosives.

 After the meeting, I asked the Durbin aide who escorted us whether the badge permitted me to walk around the Capitol.  Nope, I had to exit the Capitol.

More Context. The Senate and House office buildings are accessible to anyone, but an airport-style security screening is required—empty pockets, remove all jackets and coats, and remove belt.  We had a meeting scheduled at 2:00 PM with Representative Delia Ramirez (D-IL) in the Longworth Office Building, so the group first headed to the cafeteria in the building’s basement for lunch.  Walking around the basement, I quickly realized that Congress is a place of employment.  We passed a credit union, an office supply store, a financial planning office, a travel agency, a coffee shop, a juice bar, and a Dunkin’ Donuts before entering a gigantic cafeteria packed with people.

Normally, restaurants serve either Coke or Pepsi products. Today no one was disappointed because both were available.  Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. might be troubled about the Dunkin’ Donuts store, but there were plenty of healthy food options, including a large salad bar divided into several stations.

Large television monitors were mounted overhead.  Some displayed information about what was happening on the House floor—the next scheduled vote.  All the others were tuned to Fox.  I guess we know who controls the House—although I was subsequently told that prior to the changeover, Fox carried the day.  Apparently Congress can accommodate differing drink preferences, but not preferences for different media outlets.

Advocating on Behalf of Ukraine.  In addition to meeting with Representative Ramirez’s staff, over the two days, the group met with Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA); Representative Mike Quigley (D-IL), Representative Frank J. Mrvan’s (D-IN) staff, Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s (R-SD) staff, Senator Tammy Baldwin’s (D-WI) staff, and Senator Richard Durbin (D-IL.  When I headed to the airport Tuesday afternoon, the group still had meetings scheduled with Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-IL), Representative Dusty Johnson (R-SD), and Senator Mike Rounds (R-SD). 

We were instructed to avoid direct references to President Donald J. Trump, particularly when speaking with Republicans.  Everybody did an excellent job adhering to the admonition.  Trump, however, was the subtext, or maybe more aptly, Trump was Voldemort—“He Who Must Not Be Named.”  When we were meeting with the elected officials, they rarely referred to “Trump,” preferring instead the “President,” or the “Administration.”

Several days before the advocacy sessions, the UCAA provided those who had agreed to walk the halls of Congress with a lengthy briefing packet containing talking points, together with supporting facts.  The following were among the points:

—90% of Americans (including Republicans) hate Putin.

—Ukraine has not received hundreds of billions of dollars in military aid, as has been reported in the media.  Instead, it has only received $67 billion in military aid, along with other humanitarian aid.  Most of the expenditures on military aid were made in the United States, thereby creating jobs of congressional districts—we had a chart showing expenditures by state. Some of the equipment shipped to Ukraine was outdated armaments.  In the case of some of the newer equipment, the Ukrainians sometimes made modifications to improve functionality, reporting back to the Pentagon about the modifications.  Some of the equipment had never been tested in a combat setting, so the Ukrainians also shared their field experience with the U.S. military.

—300 people attended a Ukrainian Independence Day celebration in Chicago six weeks ago.  When asked whether they knew someone who had been killed, injured, or adversely affected by the war, 90% of the hands went up.

—One person who worked for one of the U.S. intelligence agencies in a high-level position, reported that an expert had recently told him that if Ukraine loses the war, there is a 25% likelihood that Europe will be engulfed by a full-scale war within the next five years.

—In talking with the media, the advocates asked that the senators and House member set the record straight because people respect their congressmen and senators:  Ukraine did not start the war; Zelensky is not a dictator; and Ukraine cannot hold elections before the war ends because millions of Ukrainians either reside outside the country or in Russian-controlled territory.  No one referenced Trump when making this request.

—Tens of thousands of Ukrainian children have been trafficked by Russians.  The number could be as high as 700,000 children if the those who resided in Crimea and other annexed or captured territory are considered. On several occasions, the UCCA leadership told the advocates to use the word “trafficked” rather than “kidnapped” when describing the plight of Ukrainian children, which proved to be excellent advice.  The representatives and senators were visibly startled when the word “trafficked” was uttered.

—The “Administration” needs to put the areas annexed by Russia in 2014 back on the negotiation table if Washington wants a mineral deal.  Significant portions of Ukraine’s mineral deposits are in territory now under Russian control.

—The “Administration’s” demand that the Europeans increase defense expenditures was warranted and is already proving effective in reducing European reliance on the U.S. defense shield.

—Ukraine must have security guarantees given Putin’s penchant for flagrantly ignoring his promises.  Anyone who picked up the Wall Street Journal on Monday could read the editorial, A Brief History of Broken Russian Promises to Ukraine.  I don’t know whether the Ukrainian interlocutors had read the editorial, but several mentioned incidents referenced in the article when making Ukraine’s case.  Without meaningful security guarantees, Putin will use any suspension in hostilities to rebuild his deflated army and depleted weapons arsenal. On several occasions, the advocates referred to the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, in which Ukraine disposed of thousands of nuclear weapons that were left in its hands when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.  In exchange for disarming, the United States, the United Kingdom, and pre-Putin Russia guaranteed Ukraine’s security. How’d that work out for the Ukrainian people?

—If Ukraine, falls, Finland, the Baltics, and Poland are next up.

But for me, the most effective point was made when the group met with a staff member in Representative Delia Ramirez’s office.  Did the congresswoman realize that 100,000 Ukrainians lived in her district.  Realpolitk!

Meeting with Senator Chuck Grassley.  Given my background as a tax lawyer and non-profit consultant, I relished the meeting with 91-year-old Senator Grassley, who is a lion of the Senate.  As we entered his office, Grassley immediately broke into a welcoming grin, revealing a large set of choppers.  He made a point of shaking everyone’s hand.  As people sat down, Grassley assumed the posture of a wise Buddha.  For the next 35-minutes, he sat, speaking no more than a few sentences.  Instead, he listened intently as each advocate made the case for Ukraine.  Grassley is a man who has been through this drill thousands of times.  He knows how to keep his cards close to his vest while leaving everyone with the impression that he is hanging on every word they utter. 

During the last five minutes, Grassley did speak, referring to a resolution he was introducing together with others supporting Ukraine as the war enters its fourth year.  Grassley is clearly an old-school Republican, who supports our European allies and NATO.  At one point, he referred to the Administration, saying he hoped that President Trump’s seemingly hardline was simply a negotiating posture.  Once again, Grassley’s decades of experience showed.  He did not disparage Trump, nor did he say anything that would have made headlines in the New York Times.  But somewhere in between his lines, I sensed Grassley, like many Republican senators and House members, is not a fanboy.

When the meeting was over, he briefly shook hands and chatted with the advocates after posing for a group photograph.  I had a good laugh as a photographer as I stood on the side during the meeting.  Grassley’s desk faces what is essentially a wall-sized mirror.  He sat in front of his desk, surrounded by the advocates.  I thought to myself, “If I could just climb up on Grassley desk, I could compose quite the photograph:  Grassley reflected in the mirror, as the advocates made Ukraine’s case while facing my camera.  And of course, a selfie of me.  Not wanting to undercut Ukraine, I restrained myself.

Suspension of Temporary Immigration Status.  Following a January 20, 2025 Executive Order, the Trump Administration suspended a Biden-era program giving Ukrainian refugees temporary protected status in the United States. The suspension could result in those refugees being deported following the expiration of their 18-month temporary status.  On several occasions, members of the group raised extension of the program with senators and House members.  Aside from the “trafficked” children, this issue proved to be the one that garnered the most visible sympathy.  If anything comes out of Monday and Tuesday’s advocacy effort, I suspect it will be legislation addressing temporary refugee status.

Meeting CNN’s Manu Raju.  On a personal note, I have been collecting photographs of members of the media for years, so I was excited when I saw CNN’s Manu Raju standing near the black Calder statue in the atrium of the Hart Senate Office Building.  I approached, saying how much I enjoy his reporting—true—and how he has so quickly become a network star.  He flashed a large grin, and I sensed he was truly appreciative of my comments.  I asked for a photograph, telling him I wanted to add him to my lineup of media portraits that includes Brain Williams and Chris Matthews, among others. After a pause, and then said “Well, in retrospect, you might not want to be in that company if you want a long career.”  We both laughed, and as I parted, he asked whether I watch him on Sunday morning.  “Regularly,” was my response.

A Note About the Advocates. The group that I was a part of had ten or so core members. Over the two days, several people joined the group for a visit with a particular senator or House member. I was very impressed with our group. Nobody monopolized the time that we had with each representative. Each group member had his or her own talking point that he or she raised with each senator or House member. The shift from one group member to another was seamless. All did Ukraine proud.

As for me, I was offered (almost encouraged) to speak on Ukraine’s behalf, but I chose to concentrate on memorializing the sessions. On two occasions, I did ask a procedural question: Is it more effective to email or phone your representative? In both instances, I was told it doesn’t matter how the message is transmitted. One staff member told me that both modes of communication are tabulated together. Congressman Quigley said that it is best not to use emotional or heated language. Instead, reasoned communications are both helpful and appreciated.

Does Advocacy Make a Difference?  Sometime on Tuesday, I asked one of the Midwestern team members whether she thought the advocacy effort made a difference.  Like me, she wasn’t sure.  On further reflection, I doubt that this sort of citizen advocacy makes a difference, as opposed to the advocacy practiced by ‘K Street’ lobbyists represent corporate clients who want certain provisions inserted into pending legislation.  Nevertheless, groups like the one I accompanied, as well as the Jewish teenagers I saw walking the halls on behalf of Israel, must make the effort.  Minds might not be changed, but the effort keeps the issue on top of the pile.  If the Ukrainians had not made the effort, their representatives undoubtedly would have focused on unrelated issues.

Other Activities.  On Monday, after advocacy for the day rapped up, I stopped by a large room in the Rayburn House Office Building for a reception where two awards were handed out.  One to Republican Representative Mike Turner, who recently chaired the House Intelligence Committee and currently is a member of the House Oversight and Accountability Committee.  The other went to Audra Plepytė, the Lithuanian Ambassador to the United States.  But the best thing about the award ceremony was the gigantic—and I do mean gigantic—coconut macaron, which was dinner.

Following the ceremony, I dashed to Landmark’s E Street Cinema for a special screening of Bucha, a film that tells the story of Konstantin Gudauskas, a citizen of Kazakhstan who was granted asylum by Ukraine following his expulsion from Kazakhstan.  With his Kazakhstan passport, Gudauskas was able to cross into Russian-controlled territory, permitting him to rescue 200 people and document Russian war crimes.

The film took second place in the Audience Award at the 40th Warsaw International Film Festival.  I have no doubt that the Gudauskas story is true, but the film had significant flaws.  First, rather than using subtitles, the producers chose dubbing, which was executed in a cartoonish manner.  Second, the Russians were portrayed as violent, cruel and irrational.  Based on the many reported war crimes perpetrated by members of the Russian military in Ukraine, I don’t disagree with that portrayal. 

Yet, the filmamkers’ approach left two questions unresolved, at least in my mind.  First, why did the Russian soldiers permit Gudauskas to cross their checkpoint to aid trapped Ukrainians?  Second, given Gudauskas’ willingness to challenge and talk back to the Russians manning the checkpoint, why didn’t the Russians just shoot him in the head like they did to so many others?  The filmmakers suggest he was saved by his Kazakhstan passport and the bribes he paid in food and Coca-Cola.  I found those explanations to be thin. 

I entered the theater with the mistaken impression that the film was a documentary about Bucha.  Leaving the theater, I wished it had been.

Overall Assessment.  Overall, my five days in Washington, D.C. was time very well spent.  It was a fascinating experience, and I thank the Chicago Ukrainians for being so welcoming.

 Copyright 2025, Jack B. Siegel. All Rights Reserved. Do Not Alter, Copy, Display, Distribute, Download, Duplicate, or Reproduce Without the Prior Written Consent of the Copyright Holder.