“You know what they say
No one is born to hate
We learn it somewhere along the way
Take your broken heart
Turn it into art
Can’t take it with you
Can’t take it with you”

— Hopefulessness, Courtney Barnett, from Tell Me How You Really Feel (2018)

Fun fact: From 1954 to 1962, Kenosha-based American Motors Corporation (AMC) was headed by future Michigan governor and Mitt’s father, George Romney. In the 1960s, AMC’s Kenosha operation hit its peak employment at just over 16,000 workers. To put that in perspective, the city’s population hovered just below 70,000, meaning that AMC employed 22% of the city’s population. Of course, its presence accounted for many other jobs, including those who worked in the tool and die shops that did business with AMC and the many people who worked in diners, barber shops, and clothing and furniture stores frequented by AMC’s employees.

By 1974, AMC was a money-losing operation, struggling to survive. Hope revived in 1987, when Chrysler Corporation, led by the late Lee Iacocca, acquired the company, but the white knight could not reverse the decline. In December 1988, the auto plant was shuttered, but there was another reason for hope: a smaller plant continued to operate just one mile west of the downtown, producing engines for Chrysler and its affiliates.

Then the Great Recession of 2008 erupted following the collapse of Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns. The engine plant closed as the auto industry sought TARP funds from the Obama Administration. In 2016, Donald Trump carried Kenosha County by 305 votes, which was probably at least partially attributable to the plant closure, given Trump’s “Bring Manufacturing Jobs Back” message.

Kenosha’s AMC experience adheres to the classic Rust Belt historical arc. A Midwest community struggled to keep its major manufacturer in business over the decades that followed the Trump-revered 1950s, but the struggle took a downhill trajectory as the decades elapsed. Kenosha, however, has beaten the odds by reversing the decline, a victory that has eluded so many similar cities. Its population has grown, now just under 100,000 people. According to a report today on NPR’s All Things Considered, it has become a refuge for Chicago’s Blacks seeking to escape Chicago’s violence, as well as a bedroom community for people working in Chicago and Milwaukee.

A significant ingredient in the city’s revival has been the housing development, parkland, and marina east of the downtown, all of which replaced AMC’s main plant. The city’s leaders made a significant investment in public artwork and other amenities that make the housing very attractive. New England Builders, Inc. brought their expertise to the residential portion of the urban revival, building 350 condominiums, which sold quickly. There are fountains, restaurants, a museum and major events in the area. For the first time since the AMC plant was built, the downtown is now connected to the lakefront. It is this sort of forward looking development that set Kenosha apart from other rustbelt towns and cities.

As I drove toward Lake Michigan, I first encountered the retail sprawl that lies just east of the Interstate. After several miles, I took note of the housing stock. It was old, but well maintained, with the houses close to the lake looking just like the ones that are found west of Sheridan Road in Winnetka and Highland Park; indeed, another Sheridan Road bisects Kenosha.

Last Tuesday, on a strip of that road, 17-year old Kyle Rittenhouse killed two demonstrators and wounded another when he opened fire with his AR-15-style assault rifle. No one disputes that Rittenhouse was the shooter. It is now just a question of whether Rittenhouse will be able to avoid prison by successfully mounting a self-defense justification for his actions. One question that has yet to be answered is whether anyone will be prosecuted for permitting a 17-year old to somehow illegally possess a firearm.

Rittenhouse, who is an apparent Trump supporter, was a member of a so-called militia that was protecting property from the violence that ensued in the wake of last Sunday’s shooting of Jason Blake by a Kenosha police officer who was responding to a domestic disturbance call. The cellphone video that quickly began to loop on the cable news networks seemed to say it all—Blake ran from the police, trying to get into his car. A police office, while holding Blake’s t-shirt, pumped seven bullets into his back. Miraculously, Blake survived, but is paralyzed from the waist down.

Against the backdrop of Trump’s Republican National Convention, events in Kenosha followed an all-too-familiar playbook. Peaceful demonstrations ensued; a curfew was imposed and ignored; a fringe group of agitators showed up; buildings burned and store windows were smashed; Trump offered assistance while promoting more division and leveling blame on “Democrat mayors” and Joe Biden, his Democratic opponent; and an armed “militia” offered law enforcement assistance, which explains Rittenhouse’s presence.

Whether this is an open and shut case of police brutality will prove to be a more nuanced determination than many would like. The initial video captured from across the street pointed to police excess. Why couldn’t the police officer have allowed Blake to drive off in the vehicle where his three kids sat, arresting him at a later time? That’s the same question that was asked following the killing of Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta earlier this year. In other words, de-escalate the situation. As more alleged facts have been revealed by the police during daily press conferences, I can see the arguments that the police will make to justify events as they elapsed. There was an arrest warrant out for Blake; the police apparently attempted to tase him twice as he allegedly resisted; Blake may have shown a knife—the police have been rather coy in addressing that possibility; Blake may have placed an officer in a headlock; and there were those young children in the car. I suspect the police will argue that shooting was justified to protect the children from a violent person.

When I parked my car just east of the downtown, I had no idea whether I would see demonstrators. I didn’t, which inured to my benefit. Demonstrators are visually interesting, but like Trump, they can distract. What I did see was a community struggling to grapple with an event that was not of its choosing. The downtown area is probably eight blocks by eight blocks, and that is a generous estimate. Most of the storefronts were boarded up. Some were presumably damaged this week in the disturbances, but I suspect many business owners were taking prophylactic action. Some of the storefronts that were not plywood-covered were vacant, possibly vacated in Covid’s wake.

Scattered throughout the downtown were individuals and groups decorating the plywood, clearly an organized an effort to beautify the ramshackle ugliness plywood creates. While the choir of street artists added dabs of color, what they were producing was not the beautiful mural art seen in major cities around the world on building sides and bridge underpasses. This was a spur of the moment response. It was meant to give people a sense of reclaiming control over their city and lives. It was certainly a more productive response than crying. I was witnessing the town equivalent of cooking after someone’s death, a way for the survivors to distract themselves from the horror and sorrow. It was good to see a community pulling together.

I was back on the Interstate by the time the nightly demonstrations commenced. While the demonstrators are certainly within their rights, they should recognize that the nightly street protests play right into Trump’s reelection campaign goals. People in Scranton, Akron, Flint, and other swing-state cities see the demonstrators on television, and the violence that sometimes ensues. Even if there is no violence, they see streets in a small city being militarized. This is what Trump wants them to see, and Trump campaign ads already feature video, however mendacious. Trump’s first go-around at scare tactics used footage from disturbances in Spain. With Kenosha, he can now “buy” American. Trump wants this election to be about law-and-order, and the demonstrations in Portland and Kenosha push the narrative in that direction, particularly when selectively edited, which they must be because there aren’t violent demonstrations in most locales.

As for Wisconsin and the Kenosha area, the polls already are reflecting Trump’s narrative. During MSNBC’s 11th Hour tonight, Steve Kornacki reported that immediately following the George Floyd killing, Wisconsin voters approved the BLM movement 61% to 38%. Immediately prior to events in Kenosha this past week, 48% of Wisconsin voters approved of the BLM movement, while 48% disapproved of it. This shift does not portend well for a Biden victory in Wisconsin this November, which is why those who despise Trump might want to cool their jets when it comes to taking to the streets. If Trump wins, nothing changes. If Biden wins, there will be plenty of legislation to redress police wrongs. The demonstrators could better rechannel their energies with a voter registration drive.

I spent about seven hours on the ground in Kenosha, during which I had time to reflect on what I was seeing. The narrowing Biden lead in several swing states was definitely on my mind. I also had several interactions with people that are worth noting. Unlike the polls, my interactions are anecdotal, so no grand themes or conclusions should or can be drawn from them. Specifically:

ATF Official: I spent about ten minutes speaking with an ATF agent who was investigating a used-car dealership that was torched Monday night, resulting in the destruction of 50 or so cars and the building housing the dealership. The agent, who was an explosives expert, was one of about ten who were on site. He described himself as another tool in the box that local officials can rely on when they request assistance from the Federal government. He indicated that commonly available chemicals are usually used in these situations. According to him, if there are arrests, they most likely will occur because the ATF often has people in the crowd photographing people as events unfolded. When I asked him where he was likely to go after finishing up in Kenosha, he said that Louisiana is a possibility, given his past experience following hurricanes. Apparently spikes in arson follow natural disasters, with insurance money being the objective. I also asked him whether any insurance company adjusters had assessed the car dealership’s claims. One was on site yesterday. You might think that an ATF agent would be a little prickly, but this guy was friendly and talkative. As is often the case, my two cameras were the icebreakers.

Automobile Drivers: I did not speak with any automobile drivers, but we communicated in an odd sort of way. While photographing across streets, I could see an approaching car out of the corner of my eye. I would wait for them to pass through my viewfinder, but they didn’t. When I looked up, I saw them waiting for me to take the shot. Wow, that has never happened before. I would nod my thanks, and they would proceed. That may say something about small town hospitality.

Woman Who Wanted to Set the Record Straight: Across the street from the burnt-out car dealership there is a huge pile of rubble, apparently from a portion of a church-related building that was torn down. I knew that this happened prior to recent events—the rubble was too high and their was no indication of fire. As I was looking at the rubble, a woman standing nearby wanted to set the record straight, telling me that what I was photographing was unrelated to anything that happened this week. As Joe Friday often said, “Just the facts, ma’am.”

The Black Family: As sometimes happens, I encountered a group, this one relaxing in the park adjacent to the new marina. They saw my cameras and wanted their picture taken. It usually is easier to take the picture than have a discussion why I don’t need their picture, so I took the picture. They then surrounded me, wanting to see the image on the camera’s LCD. I kept nervously backing away from them, and one of the women said, “You don’t need to be afraid of us because we’re Black.” To which I responded, “I am afraid of you because of Covid; you aren’t wearing masks.” I don’t call people out for not wearing masks—not worth the effort, particularly because it is easier to simply cross the street or step to the side—but in this case, they were getting within my six-foot distancing perimeter. She apologized. By the way, she pointedly told me they were the Black family—their last name is Black.

Overall, I found the people on the streets of Kenosha to be friendly and warm. Many people smiled and said “Hello,” which was surprising. I had assumed that people would be unreceptive to having their tragedy memorialized by me or anyone else. There were other photographers out and about. But people didn’t seem to mind.

So we have a community that has successfully rebuilt itself following the collapse of its manufacturing base. Last Sunday afternoon, it went from just a dot on a map to a national news story. Death, destruction, and mayhem ensued for two or three days, but many community members who were not directly involved are already trying to rebuild. In one sense, I felt sad today, but the optimism I saw kept me in good spirits. Kenosha will be back. Resilience will prevail.

[Click on an Image to Enlarge It, which is a good idea because there are elements in several images that will surprise; they are not immediately apparent]